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Michael Komorn

Majority in U.S. Say Consuming Alcohol, Marijuana is Morally OK

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Interestingly, young, liberal, men, white skin color, college graduates and people who seldom go to church rate marijuana more morally acceptable more than female, non-white, non-college, conservative and weekly church goers.

Most in U.S. Say Consuming Alcohol, Marijuana Morally OK by Jeffrey M. Jones


  • 78% say drinking alcohol is morally acceptable
  • 65% say smoking marijuana is morally acceptable
  • Religiosity is a major factor in determining attitudes

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Large majorities of Americans believe that using substances like alcohol and marijuana are morally permissible. Specifically, 78% say drinking alcohol is morally acceptable and 65% say smoking marijuana is.

Americans' Views of the Morality of Drinking Alcohol and SMoking Marijuana.

Attitudes about the morality of alcohol and marijuana items were measured for the first time in Gallup's annual Values and Beliefs survey, conducted May 1-10. The survey asked Americans to indicate whether they believe each of 22 different behaviors and practices are morally acceptable or morally wrong.

Alcohol and marijuana rank near the top of the list of practices Americans consider morally acceptable. Only birth control, at 91%, gets a higher percentage sanctioning it than drinking alcohol does. Smoking marijuana trails birth control, drinking alcohol and divorce (76%), but is on par with widely accepted acts including gambling, sex between an unmarried man and woman, gay or lesbian relations, stem cell research, and having a baby outside of marriage.

Americans are least likely to regard married men and women having an affair, cloning humans, polygamy and suicide as morally OK. Their opinions are most closely divided on morality of abortion -- 43% believe it is morally acceptable and 48% believe it is not.

Drinking Alcohol, Smoking Marijuana Among Practices Americans Find Most Morally Acceptable
Next, I'm going to read you a list of issues. Regardless of whether or not you think it should be legal, for each one, please tell me whether you personally believe that in general it is morally acceptable or morally wrong.
  Morally acceptable Morally wrong
  % %
Birth control 91 6
Drinking alcohol ^ 78 19
Divorce 76 20
Sex between an unmarried man and woman 69 28
Gambling 69 28
Gay or lesbian relations 67 30
Medical research using stem cells obtained from human embryos 66 29
Smoking marijuana ^ 65 31
Having a baby outside of marriage 65 32
The death penalty 62 33
Buying and wearing clothing made of animal fur 60 37
Medical testing on animals 54 43
Doctor assisted suicide 54 42
Abortion 43 48
Pornography 43 55
Sex between teenagers 42 54
Cloning animals 40 51
Suicide 20 75
Polygamy, when a married person has more than one spouse at the same time 19 78
Cloning humans 16 81
Married men and women having an affair 10 88
May 1-10, 2018; ^ Asked of a half sample

Gallup's trends on many of these items date back to 2001. On most, Americans have adopted more permissive views over time. Presumably, this also applies to the new item on smoking marijuana, given the surge over the past two decades in the percentage who say that smoking the drug should be legal. In fact, the 64% who last fall said marijuana should be legal nearly matches the 65% who say smoking it is morally acceptable.

Religiosity Is Key Determinant in Views of Drinking, Smoking Marijuana

Majorities of key subgroups of Americans regard both drinking alcohol and smoking marijuana as morally acceptable, but highly religious Americans, as measured by the frequency with which they attend church, are less likely to do so. Whereas 88% of those who seldom or never attend religious services find drinking alcohol to be morally acceptable, 60% of those who attend weekly hold that view. And while three-quarters of non-attenders say smoking marijuana is OK, less than half of regular churchgoers, 41%, agree.

Other subgroup differences, including those by gender, age, race and political ideology, appear to reflect differences in church attendance among those groups. For example, nonwhites, women, older Americans and conservatives are more likely to attend church but less likely to say smoking marijuana and drinking alcohol are OK.

Religiosity a Key Factor in Views of Morality of Drinking Alcohol, Smoking Marijuana
  Drinking Alcohol Smoking Marijuana
  % Acceptable % Wrong % Acceptable % Wrong
U.S. adults 78 19 65 31
Men 84 15 70 26
Women 73 23 59 36
18 to 34 years 81 18 77 21
35 to 54 years 78 17 61 36
55+ years 77 21 58 37
White 82 15 68 29
Nonwhite 67 29 59 35
College graduate  
Yes 87 9 72 24
No 73 25 61 34
How often attend church  
Every week 60 37 41 59
Monthly 71 22 63 31
Seldom/Never 88 11 75 20
Liberal 84 11 81 19
Moderate 77 20 75 21
Conservative 75 25 47 49
May 1-10, 2018

In nearly every key subgroup, a greater percentage say drinking alcohol is morally acceptable than says the same about smoking marijuana. Young adults, ideological liberals and moderates are notable exceptions, as these three groups are about equally likely to find the two practices morally acceptable. In contrast to liberals and moderates, ideological conservatives are far more likely to view drinking alcohol (75%) than smoking marijuana (47%) as acceptable moral behavior.

Bottom Line

Most Americans do not object on moral grounds to people drinking alcohol or smoking marijuana. Of the two, they are more likely to see drinking alcohol as an acceptable behavior, perhaps because it is legal in all states while smoking marijuana is not. Some states have recently legalized marijuana and many others are considering doing so, perhaps removing some of the stigma associated with the drug. But with roughly two-thirds of the public saying marijuana use is morally acceptable, it seems there will not be sufficient opposition to thwart attempts to make it legal.


Results for this Gallup poll are based on telephone interviews conducted May 1-10, 2018, with a random sample of 1,024 adults, aged 18 and older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. For results based on the total sample of national adults, the margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.

The results for the drinking alcohol item are based on a random sample of 542 adults and the results for the smoking marijuana item are based on a random sample of 482 adults. For results based on these samples, the margin of sampling error is ±5 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.

All reported margins of sampling error include computed design effects for weighting.

Each sample of national adults includes a minimum quota of 70% cellphone respondents and 30% landline respondents, with additional minimum quotas by time zone within region. Landline and cellular telephone numbers are selected using random-digit-dial methods.

View survey methodology, complete question responses and trends.

Learn more about how the Gallup Poll Social Series works.



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Such a Nice post i agree with this post adults across the United States were surveyed about whether they think marijuana or alcohol use is morally acceptable, regardless of whether it should be legal.

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Most Americans do not object on moral grounds to people drinking alcohol or smoking marijuana. Of the two, they are more likely to see drinking alcohol as an acceptable behavior, perhaps because it is legal in all states while smoking marijuana is not.

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      7. The costs to a significant number of individuals, the majority of whom are young people, and to society generally, of a policy of prohibition of simple possession are not justified by the potential for harm of cannabis and the additional influence which such a policy is likely to have upon perception of harm, demand and availability. We, therefore, recommend the repeal of the prohibition against the simple possession of cannabis.
      The cultivation of cannabis should be subject to the same penalties as trafficking, but it should not be a punishable offence unless it is cultivation for the purpose of trafficking. Upon proof of cultivation, the burden should be on the accused to establish that he was not cultivating for the purpose of trafflcking, but it should be sufficient for him, as in the case of possession for the purpose of trafficking, to raise a reasonable doubt concerning the intent to traffic.
      9. The police should have power to seize and confiscate cannabis and cannabis plants wherever they are found, unless the possession or cultivation has been expressly authorized for scientific or other purposes.
      Marihuana: a signal of misunderstanding; first report 1972
      by United States. Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse   The recommendations included:
      All public and private institutions should sponsor research and objective evaluation of drug-related issues, programs, and policies. Congress should create a single Federal drug agency. The accomplishments should be reexamined four years after its creation; and the agency, by law, should disband within five years. Each state should establish a unified drug agency on the same model as that proposed for the federal government. Congress should establish a commission four years hence to determine which measures have justified their costs and which have not and to propose new policies. The Single Convention Treaty should be redrafted to make clear that each nation is free to determine which domestic uses of drugs it will allow. Cannabis should be removed from the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1961), since this drug does not pose the same social and public health problems associated with the opiates and coca leaf products. The American Medical Association should determine cocaine's therapeutic benefits.   If no unique therapeutic use remains, the government should eliminate manufacture altogether. Except where the Commission has specifically recommended a change, the present levels of control on availability of psychoactive substances should be maintained.  With respect to the drug trafficking laws, the trafficking offenses and penalty structure presently in force should be retained.  The unauthorized possession of any controlled substance except marihuana for personal use should remain a prohibited act. The primary purpose of the possession laws should be detection of those persons who would benefit by treatment or prevention services, rather than criminal punishment. Federal criminal investigative agencies should concentrate primarily on the top level of the illegal drug distribution network. State enforcement should concentrate on the lower levels of both licit and illicit distribution networks. Criminal investigation activities at the federal level should not have regional offices, as BNDD and Customs have now but instead should deploy strike forces.  Each state should have a separate unit charged with the responsibility of investigating any evidence of corruption in drug law enforcement agencies.  Local police should receive appropriate training in dealing with the medical needs of drug-dependent persons, including alcoholics. The government should continue to prohibit heroin maintenance. Each state should establish a comprehensive statewide drug dependence treatment and rehabilitation program, with confidentiality-of-treatment laws. Drug abusers who are suffering from emergency medical conditions should not be refused treatment in hospitals, solely because of their drug abuse. The states should provide by law for emergency detention and treatment of persons (not to exceed 48 hours) so incapacitated by use of a drug that they cannot intelligently determine whether they are in need of treatment. Drug use prevention strategy, rather than persuading or "educating" people not to use drugs, should emphasize other means of obtaining what users seek from drugs, means that are better for the user and better for society. The government role should be limited to providing accurate information regarding the likely consequences of the different patterns of drug use. A moratorium should be declared on the production and dissemination of new drug information materials, including all drug education programs in the schools. State legislatures should repeal all statutes which now require drug education courses to be included in the public school curriculum.  Government should not interfere with private efforts to analyze the quality and quantity of drugs anonymously submitted by street users. The government should not support programs which compel persons to undergo drug testing, except in limited situations. Government should remove legal and bureaucratic obstacles to research into the possible therapeutic uses of currently prohibited substances, such as marihuana and hallucinogens. Schools of medicine, pharmacy, nursing, and public health should include the social and medical aspects of drug use in their curriculum. Drug companies should end the practice of sending doctors unsolicited samples of psychoactive drugs. The business community should not reject an applicant solely on the basis of prior drug use or dependence, unless the nature of the business compels it.  Industry should consider alternatives to termination of employment for employees involved with drugs.  The business community should adopt  "employee assistance" programs for drug problems. College and universities should make their policies and practices regarding drug use, including alcohol, explicit, unambiguous, and readily available to all students.   Even those colleges and universities which strongly disapprove of student drug-use behavior should expand their counseling services rather than rely upon disciplinary measures alone.   
      U.S. Senate Hearing on Juvenile Delinquency and Marijuana Decriminalization, including  4 years of research during 1971-1975.
      Senator Bayh. We meet today to consider legislation relating to the appropriate legal sanctions for the private possession of small amounts of marihuana.
      Throughout the Subcommittee To Investigate Juvenile Delinquency's 4-year investigation of drug traffic and abuse I have noted with concern the growing number of arrests for marihuana possession. Arrests have increased from 188,682 in 1970 to 420,700 in 1973. It may go as high as 500,000 for 1974. This is not nearly as dramatic as the 1,000 percent increase between 1965-70 from 18,815 to 188,682; but it is rather astonishing that this 3-year increase of 232,018 is more than 12 times the total marihuana arrests just 10 years ago.
        Additionally, the number of marihuana arrests as a percentage of all drug arrests has increased substantially. In 1970 these arrests amounted to 45.4 percent of total drug arrest= During the 1970-73 period 1,127,389 of the total 2,063,900 drug arrests were for marihuana. And in 1973, the most recent year for which records are available, 67 percent of all drug arrests were for marihuana.
      Available studies and research to date have found that the majority of those arrested are otherwise law-abiding young people in possession of small amounts of marihuana. In fact, a Presidential commission found that the vast majority of users are essentially indistinguishable from their nonuser peers by any criteria other than its use.
      During these last 4 years, I have likewise been especially concerned about the ever-escalating level of serious crime. The recently released FBI report on the trends in crime for 1974 presents a frightening picture of the rising tide of criminal activity in America. Serious crime in the United States rose 17 percent last year, the highest, annual increase since the FBI began collecting data 45 years ago. In fact, the increase for the final quarter of 1974 had reached 19 percent. The suburban increase for last year was 20 percent while crime in rural areas increased by 21 percent. In smaller communities—under 10,000— crime increased by 24 percent last year while robbery alone went up 30 percent.
      The rising tide of serious crimes inevitably raises the question of whether we are properly allocating our crime fighting resources and aggressively pursuing the arrest and criminal prosecution of the 13 million American users of marihuana. It is estimated that the prosecution of these cases costs $600 million annually.
      In 1969 and 1970 the subcommittee considered the adequacy of penalties for marihuana with the result that thenew Controlled Substances Act provided that simple possession or distribution of a small amount of marihuana for no remuneration were both designated misdemeanors, not felonieb. punishable by up to 1 year in jail and/or up to a $5,000 fine. It was the view of many members that the sanctions should be further reduced. Some suggested that the sanction be eliminated for such conduct.
      In order to permit a thorough assessment of these issues the subcommittee recommended the creation of a Presidential commission. The Congress agreed and provided for the establishment of the Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse in part F of the Controlled Substances Act.
      This body known as the Sliafer Commission, after its distinguished chairman, conducted an in-depth study of the issues and concluded that marihuana was not dangerous enough to the user or to the general public for its private possession and use to remain a criminal offense.
      In the last several years a growing list of organizations and individuals have endorsed the Shafer Commission recommendations, including the following:
      American Bar Association.
      Consumer Union, publishers of Consumer Reports.
      National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws.
      American Public Health Association.
      National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals.
      National Council of Churches.
      The Governing Board of the American Medical Association.
      National Education Association.
      B'nai B'rith.
      Canadian Commission of Inquiry into the Non-Medical use of
      Drugs [Le Dain Commission],
      San Franciso Committee on Crime.
      Mayor's Advisory Committee on Narcotics Addiction
      [Washington, D.C.].
      John Finlator, retired Deputy Director, Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, U.S. Department of Justice.
      William F. Buckley, Jr., syndicated columnist, author, TV host and editor of National Review.
      James J. Kilpatrick, syndicated columnist, Washington Evening Star.
      The subject of our hearing S. 1450, the "Marihuana Control Act of 1975" introduced by Senators Javits, Cranston, Brooke, and Nelson, reflects the general recommendation of the Shafer Presidential Commission. It adopts an approach similar to that undertaken by the State of Oregon which abolished criminal penalties for simple possession of marihuana and substituted a civil fine of up to $100 for possession and nonprofit transfers of up to 1 ounce of marihuana. Criminal penalties for sale of the drug for profit would remain intact. Thus, this approach maintains a policy of discouragement toward marihuana use while recognizing the current inappropriate use of law enforcement resources and the destructive impact of criminal records for such common conduct.
      Australian Royal Commission of Inquiry into Drugs, Australia 1979
      On page A63, the report states:
      At present it appears that intermittent use of cannabis in low
      dosages does not produce any permanent brain damage. While there is no
      definite proof, to date, that long-term chronic high dosages of cannabis
      produce any lasting brain impairment this needs further study. There
      have been suggestions that cannabis might cause prolonged abnormalities
      of mental function, including personality disorders and a cannabis
      psychosis. There is no proven evidence that such disorders are caused
      by cannabis.
      Acute Toxicity
      THC has a wide safety margin, much more so than does alcohol. It is
      almost impossible to get a lethal dose of THC from smoking marihuana
      Tolerance and Physical Dependence
      Tolerance does occur if cannabis is administered regularly over a
      long interval. While mild withdrawal symptoms (such as irritability,
      restlessness and insomnia) occasionally develop in those who have
      regularly taken a high dose of THC, there is not a typical abstinence
      syndrome and there are no withdrawal effects from the usual low-dose,
      'recreational' use of the drug.
      At the present time, it would not seem that infrequent
      'recreational' use of cannabis produces any severe direct consequences
      to health. As already mentioned, there is impairment of driving
      ability. Higher doses and frequent chronic use may constitute a
      significant degree of risk to the user, but further research on this is
      Later, in Book C, Page C215, the following is stated on cannabis and health.
      Limitations on Scientific Investigation
      Mr A. W. Parsons, Director of the Cannabis Research Foundation,
      presented evidence to the effect that cannabis had been the subject of
      considerable scientific probing. He stated:
      Dr Lorna Cartwright, senior tutor in Pharmacy, University of
      Sydney, stated in her address to the 1977 Cannabis Conference
      that marihuana is one of the most thoroughly investigated drugs
      in the history of scientific research. Eighty-four years of
      scientific study has been unable to find any adverse health
      effects of moderate cannabis use which impel a particular
      legislative policy. This is not to say that more research is
      not needed. 1t is always possible that certain harmful side
      effects may be discovered, but considering the medical
      information at hand and the social costs of the present laws,
      scientific clairvoyance has been used for too long by the anti-
      marihuana lobby to justify the present laws pertaining to
      cannabis use.
      The Commonwealth Department of Health report previously mentioned
      stated that although prolonged cannabis psychosis has been reported in
      Eastern literature as occurring under conditions of unusually heavy use,
      it is often difficult to isolate the causative role of marihuana from
      that of pre-existing psychopathology or other drug use. Three research
      studies of heavy chronic users conducted in Jamaica, G·reece and Costa
      Rica failed to detect evidence of cannabis psychosis. However the small
      numbers in each sample and the comparative rarity of this syndrome may
      mean that such a consequence was missed (Open exhibit 636).
      Professor R. T. Jones stated that persons with schizophrenia show a
      marked psychosis when using marihuana but that this psychosis disappears
      when marihuana use is discontinued (OT 18132--33).
      Mr A. W. Parsons, Director of the Cannabis Research Foundation,
      agreed that marihuana impairs the ability to drive, but stated that the
      size of the threat which cannabis poses to road safety is a matter of
      conjecture (OT 2453). Mr J. Billington,founder of the Cannabis Research
      Foundation, said in evidence that while inexperienced user/drivers may
      cause problems for themselves and the rest of the community, the
      problems are nowhere as great with experienced user/drivers (OT 10839).
      Professor R. T. Jones (OT 18140--41) and Dr G. B. Chesher (OT 10474)
      agreed that more experienced users drive with less impairment than
      persons unfamiliar with the combination of marihuana and motor vehicles.
      Witnesses indicated that other possible medical applications of
      cannabis are being examined. Researchers are investigating anti-tumor
      activity, anti-anxiety and hypnotic effects, and analgesic and anti-
      depressant effects. Some investigators have speculated that cannabis
      may be useful in treating alcohol dependence.
      Professor N. Blewett, Past President of the South Australian Council
      for Civil Liberties summarised this line of argument succinctly in a
      paper entitled 'Marihuana: The Most Victimless Crime of All?'. This
      paper, which was part of a submission by the Council to the South
      Australian Royal Commission into the Non-Medical Use of Drugs, later
      incorporated into the transcript of evidence of this Commission, said:
      The law is simply an ass if, in seeking to protect a person
      from his own actions, it imposes upon him far greater agreed
      harm than anything likely to result from the prohibited
      Medical Use
      Some witnesses argued that the existing laws had the effect of
      preventing the use of cannabis for legitimate scientific and medical
      purposes. On behalf of the Cannabis Research Foundation, Mr A. W.
      Parsons stated:
      We have had personal reports from patients who need cannabis,
      particularly those suffering from internal cancer, epileptics
      and patients suffering from glaucoma. We have had approaches
      from their doctors saying, 'We need cannabis because none of
      the other drugs work and this does. We are in a drought
      situation. The Health Department will not give us any, nor
      will the Drug Squad. What can you do for us?' This is
      ridiculous when they are handing out amphetamines and such
      things---it is ridiculous that we cannot get hold of cannabis
      for simple therapeutic use.
      (OT 2480)
      The potential medical application of cannabis has been discussed
      already in this chapter. It has also been noted that the law permits
      the use of cannabis for legitimate scientific research.
      After finding that cannabis is non-toxic, non-addictive, has no evidence of any harms WHATSOEVER, has medical value in a number of different diseases, the committee said that cannabis should be prohibited forever. As you can see, the science, logic, reasoning, and evidence is ignored, buried, shunned and attacked.
      Book C, page C269.
      An Analysis of Marijuana Policy National Research Council of the National Academy of Science. 1982
      At the same time, the effectiveness of the present federal policy of complete prohibition fails far short of its goal--preventing use. An estimated 55 million Americans have tried marijuana, federal enforcement of prohibition of use is virtually nonexistent, and 11 states have repealed criminal penalties for private possession of small amounts and for private use. It can no longer be argued that use would be much more widespread and the problematic effects greater today if the policy of complete prohibition did not exist; The existing evidence on policies of partial prohibition indicates that partial prohibition has been as effective in controlling consumption as complete prohibition and has entailed considerably smaller social, legal, and economic costs. On balance, therefore, we believe that a policy of partial prohibition is clearly preferable to a policy of complete prohibition of supply and use.
      Drug Enforcement Administration
      In The Matter Of
      Docket No. 86-22
      FRANCIS L. YOUNG, Administrative Law Judge
      DATED: SEPTEMBER 6, 1988
      CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDED DECISION Based upon the foregoing facts and reasoning, the administrative law judge concludes that the provisions of the Act permit and require the transfer of marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule II. The Judge realizes that strong emotions are aroused on both sides of any discussion concerning the use of marijuana. Nonetheless it is essential for this Agency, and its Administrator, calmly and dispassionately to review the evidence of record, correctly apply the law, and act accordingly. Marijuana can be harmful. Marijuana is abused. But the same is true of dozens of drugs or substances which are listed in Schedule II so that they can be employed in treatment by physicians in proper cases, despite their abuse potential. Transferring marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule II will not, of course, make it immediately available in pharmacies throughout the country for legitimate use in treatment. Other government authorities, Federal and State, will doubtless have to act before that might occur. But this Agency is not charged with responsibility, or given authority, over the myriad other regulatory decisions that may be required before marijuana can actually be legally available. This Agency is charged merely with determining the placement of marijuana pursuant to the provisions of the Act. Under our system of laws the responsibilities of other regulatory bodies are the concerns of those bodies, not of this Agency, There are those who, in all sincerity, argue that the transfer of marijuana to Schedule II will "send a signal" that marijuana is "OK" generally for recreational use. This argument is specious. It presents no valid reason for refraining from taking an action required by law in light of the evidence. If marijuana should be placed in Schedule II, in obedience to the law, then that is where marijuana should be placed, regardless of misinterpretation of the placement by some. The reasons for the placement can, and should, be clearly explained at the time the action is taken. The fear of sending such a signal cannot be permitted to override the legitimate need, amply demonstrated in this record, of countless suffers for the relief marijuana can provide when prescribed by a physician in a legitimate case. The evidence in this record clearly shows that marijuana has been accepted as capable of relieving the distress of great numbers of very ill people, and doing so with safety under medical supervision. It would be unreasonable, arbitrary and capricious for DEA to continue to stand between those sufferers and the benefits of this substance in light of the evidence in this record. The administrative law judge recommends that the Administrator conclude that the marijuana plant considered as a whole has a currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States, that there is no lack of accepted safety for use of it under medical supervision and that it may lawfully be transferred from Schedule I to Schedule II. The judge recommends that the Administrator transfer marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule II. Dated: SEP 6 1988 Francis L. Young Administrative Law Judge Legislative options for cannabis use in Australia
      Commonwealth of Australia 1994
      No best single option for cannabis legislation exists. What is most appropriate will depend upon what goals both policy makers and the community are seeking to achieve. Our review suggests that two of the five legislative options discussed above are inappropriate in contemporary Australian circumstances. They are the options which we have characterised as total prohibition and free availability. Australia experiences more harm, we conclude, from maintaining the cannabis prohibition policy than it experiences from the use of the drug. We also reject the legislative option of the free availability of cannabis. Our society is one that accepts that governments and others have both the right and the responsibility to intervene in diverse ways to protect people from harm and to advance the common good. It would be unreasonable, therefore, to argue that cannabis should be available in an uncontrolled manner.
      We conclude that cannabis law reform is required in this country. Many options for policy, legislation and implementation processes exist within the broad categories of prohibition with an administrative decision that it is inexpedient to prosecute people for minor cannabis offences, prohibition with civil penalties, partial prohibition and regulated availability. We believe, on the available evidence, that widely accepted social goals, well attuned to the needs of contemporary Australian society, will be attained through the adoption and implementation of policies which lie within these options.
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